I
remember when he visited us, months before the electoral
campaign when he was thinking of running as a candidate for
the Presidency of Ecuador. He
had been the Minister of the Economy in the government of
Alfredo Palacio, a surgeon with professional prestige who
had also visited us as Vice President, before becoming the
President in an unexpected situation that took place in Ecuador. He
had been receptive to a program of ophthalmologic operations
that we offered him as a form of cooperation. There
were good relations between our two governments.
A
while earlier Correa had resigned from the Ministry of the
Economy.
He
was unhappy with what he called administrative corruption
instigated by Oxy, a foreign company that explored and invested
important sums of money, but was holding on to four out of
every five barrels of oil that it extracted. He didn’t
talk about nationalization, but about taxing them heavily;
these taxes would be assigned in advance to specific social
investments. He had already approved the measures and a judge
had declared them to be valid.
Since
the word “nationalize” had
not been mentioned, I thought he felt apprehensive about
the concept. It didn’t surprise me because he
had graduated as an economist with much acclaim from a well-known
U.S. university. I didn’t bother getting into
much depth; I bombarded him with questions from the arsenal
accumulated in the struggle against the Latin American foreign
debt in 1985 and of Cuba’s own experience.
There are high-risk investments
that use sophisticated technology and that no small nation
like Cuba or Ecuador could take on.
Since this was already in 2006
and we were determined to promote the energy revolution,
--ours was the first country on the planet to proclaim this
as a vital issue for humankind-- I had dealt with the subject
particularly emphatically. But I halted, as I understood
one of his reasons.
I
related to him the conversation I had had a while ago with
the president of REPSOL, a Spanish company. This company,
associated with other international companies, would undertake
an expensive operation to drill the ocean floor, more than
2000 meters down, using sophisticated technology, in Cuba’s jurisdictional waters. I
asked the head of the Spanish company: How much is an exploratory
well worth? I ask you this because we would like to
participate, even if it is for one percent of the total cost
and we would like to know what you want to do with our oil.
Correa,
for his part, had told me that for every one hundred dollars
taken out by the companies, only twenty remained in the country;
it didn’t even
get into the budget, he said; it was left in a separate fund
for just about anything other than improving the living conditions
of the people.
I
abolished the fund, he told me, and directed 40 percent towards
education and health, technological and highway development,
and the rest towards buying back the debt if the price was
favorable, and if not, investing it in something more useful. Before,
every year we had to buy a portion of that debt which was
becoming more expensive.
In
the case of Ecuador –he
added– oil policies verged on treason against the country. Why
do they do it? I asked him. Is it because they are
afraid of the Yankees or due to unbearable pressure? He
answered: If they have a Minister of the Economy who tells
them privatization would improve efficiency, you can just
imagine. I didn’t do that.
I
encourage him to go on and he calmly explains. The foreign company Oxy is one
that has broken its contract and according to Ecuadorian
law it requires an expiration date. It means that
the oil field operated by this company must go over to the
State, but because of Yankee pressure the government does
not dare to occupy it; a situation is created which is not
contemplated by the legislation. The law just states
that an expiration date must be set, and nothing more. The
judge at the court of first instance at that moment was the
president of PETROECUADOR and he made it happen. I
was a member of PETROECUADOR and they called an emergency
meeting to expel him from his position. I didn’t
attend and they couldn’t fire him. The judge
declared the expiration date.
What
did the Yankees want? I asked him. They wanted a fine, he quickly replied. Listening
to him I realized that I had underestimated him.
I
was in a hurry because of a great number of commitments.
I invited him to sit in on a meeting with a large group of
highly qualified Cuban professionals who were leaving for
Bolivia to be part of the Medical Brigade; it had staff for
more than 30 hospitals including 19 surgical positions that
could do more than 130 thousand ophthalmologic operations
per year; all in the manner of free cooperation. Ecuador
possesses three similar centers with six ophthalmologic positions.
Dinner
with the Ecuadorian economist took place into the morning
hours of February 9, 2006. There
were scarcely any view points that I didn’t cover. I
even spoke to him about the very harmful mercury that modern
industry scatters throughout the planet’s oceans. Consumerism
was of course a subject that I emphasized; the high cost
of the kilowatt/hour in the thermoelectric plants; the differences
between socialist and communist forms of distribution, the
role of money, the trillions spent on advertising which people
had no choice but to pay for in the prices of goods, and
the studies made by university social brigades who discovered,
among the 500 thousand families in the capital, the number
of elderly folk lived alone. I explained the stage of university
courses for all that we were involved in.
We became friends even though
he perhaps received the impression that I was self-sufficient.
If that happened, it was truly not my intention.
Since
that time I have observed his every step: the electoral process,
focusing on the concrete problems of Ecuadorians and the
people’s victory over
the oligarchy.
In
the history of our peoples there are many things that bring
us together. Sucre
was always a highly admired figure, along with The Liberator
Bolivar; as Marti said, what he hasn’t done in America
remains to be done, and as Neruda exclaimed, Bolivar awakens
every hundred years.
Imperialism
has just committed a monstrous crime in Ecuador. Deadly bombs were dropped
in the early morning hours on a group of men and women who,
almost without exception, were asleep. That has been
deduced by all the official reports right from the beginning. Any
concrete accusations against that group of human beings do
not justify that action. They were Yankee bombs, guided by
Yankee satellites.
Absolutely
no one has the right to kill in cold blood. If we accept that imperial method
of warfare and barbarism, Yankee bombs directed by satellites
could fall on any group of Latin American men and women,
in the territory of any country, war or no war. The
fact that this happened on undisputed Ecuadorian territory
is an aggravating circumstance.
We
are not an enemy of Colombia. Previous
reflections and exchanges demonstrate how much of an effort
we have made, both the current President of the Council of
State of Cuba and I, to abide by a declared policy of principles
and peace, proclaimed years ago in our relations with the
rest of the Latin American states.
Today,
with everything at risk, we have not been transformed into
belligerent people. We
are determined supporters of that unity among peoples which
Marti named Our America.
If
we keep quiet we shall become accomplices. Today they would like to have our friend,
the economist and President of Ecuador Rafael Correa, seated
in the dock; this is something we couldn’t even conceive
that morning of February 9, 2006. At that time it seemed
that my imagination was capable of embracing all kinds of
dreams and risks, but never anything like what has occurred
in the early morning of Saturday March 1, 2008.
Correa
has in his hands the few survivors and the rest of the bodies.
The two which are missing prove that Ecuadorian territory
was occupied by troops that crossed the border. Now he can cry out like Emile Zola: J’accuse!
Fidel Castro Ruz
March 3, 2008.
8:36 p.m. |